Skip to main content

Full text of "The Jewish refugee problem, and the Egregious Gentile called to account."

See other formats




















B. Ohaeney Vladbob 

£uttlui, TexMj' 



Dedication to B. Charney Vladeck 3 


by Bruce Bliyen 

Barbarism, Incorporated 5 

How Many Jews? . 9 

A History Written in Blood 10 

Government by Terror 11 

Nazi Voodoo 13 

Where Can They Go? 15 

Germany's Loss is Our Gain 20 

Refugee Immigrants : Can We Afford Them? 23 

by Grover C. Hall 

Copyright April 1939 by the League for Industrial Democracy 





Courageous, clear-visioned and eloquent Socialist through whose untimely 
death, the League for Industrial Democracy has lost a valued mcmbvr of Its 
Board of Directors. His insight and increasing labors gave inspiration and 
leadership to those who seek to bring about a free and just society! 

"No supercilious intellectual, no prophet of dictatorship 
can tell me that Democracy is a sham. For, like so many 
millions of other Americans by choice, 1 was bom and brought 
up under a tyranny, and I tasted of its bitter fruit. Education 
was denied to everybody but a few, freedom of movement was 
restricted, opportunities were destroyed, lives were stunted. 
Many of us went to jail at an age, when your children here 
go to high school, not because of preaching violence, or cham- 
pioning anarchy, but because we wanted to think and educate 
ourselves. Just listen to the terrible, deadening silence that is 
falling upon a great part of the world today like a sinister 
shroud of death. Italy, Germany, Austria, Russia — for how 
many decades have their best sons fought for the right of 
self-expression, for liberty of thought, of meeting, of organisa- 
tion. Today nearly half of the world has lost its voice. What 
you hear is not the happy full-throated articulation of people 
awakening to the joy of creation, but the sharp, terrible voice 
of the whip cutting the air with fateful force to fall upon the 
backs of bleeding nations. 

In these torture chambers of Fascism and tyranny, the Jew 
occupies a conspicuous and painful place. As workers, toe are 
persecuted for being militant; as traders, for being greedy. If 
we produce geniuses we are charged with disrupting the world; 
if we produce criminals we are charged with corrupting it. 
When we give our lives for liberty we are contemptuous inter- 
nationalists. When we comply and obey we are cowards. One 
of the most important reasons why all tyrants hate us is because 
of our long experience in resisting injustice and cruelty. Over 
four thousand years ago a Jew by the name of Moses, himself 
an intellectual, led the first great strike of bricklayers at the 
Pyramids, and since then all Pharoahs are our enemies. 

"Why do the Jews persist? Why not forget that you are a 
Jew? This is a fair question. I can assure you that this is 
no easy burden to carry — this knowledge that the erosion of 

472921 3 


time has carved your face; that all the storms of history 
moulded your mind; that the injustices of a thousand tyrannies 
have settled in your soul. If you think into the matter a little 
deeper, you will find that there is no reason why one, in cross- 
ing the ocean, should be required to drop everything to the 
bottom. Our modern conception of a good American is one 
who, whether or not he knows the language, whether or not 
he is externally a conformist is ready to use his intelligence 
and his patriotism to make this country a better and a happier 
one for all. In this fight you are not as much concerned with 
externals as with real values. And I can tell you that, irrespec- 
tive of the language we speak and the appearance we make, 
the foreign-born workers in this country are among the most 
intelligent, constructive and militant elements in the American 
Labor Movement. 

But now I come to the most important point of all. And 
that is the fact that since the coming of the industrial age 
the Jews have been a true barometer for the Labor Movement. 
Whenever and wherever a government begins to persecute the 
Jews, it inevitably follows with persecuting the workers, 
Whatever the name of the country and whatever the location, 
the quality and the liberty, or the lack of them, enjoyed by 
Jews is likewise true of Labor. This is why Organized Labor 
throughout the world, outside of sentimental reasons, is against 
anti-Semitism, because it knows that the first blast against 
the Jews is only the forerunner of a dark storm against Labor; 
that permitting a government to foster anti-Semitism is to 
strengthen a power that will crush Labor. This is why in all 
countries today conscientious and intelligent Jews march with 
Labor, and why Labor is the staunchest defender of Jewish 
rights. So I appear before you this morning as one who is 
doubly interested in this fight against Fascism. And with all 
the earnestness and solemnity that I possess, I swear to you 
that Jewish Labor, both here and throughout the world, will 
not give up, will not falter or weaken until the last trace of 
tyranny is wiped of the. earth, and until Labor regains its 
unions, its cooperatives, its press, its liberty, its industrial, 
cultural, and political power!" 

From a speech by B. Charney Vladeck at The American Federation of 
Labor Convention, San Francisco, 1934. 



Beuce Bliven 

Barbarism, Incorporated 

Europe today is filled with homeless, wandering refugees- 
victims of man's inhumanity to man. They come from half a 
dozen countries and they include men, women and children of 
all social classes and very nearly every type of misery with 
which the human race can be afflicted. There are hundreds of 
thousands of Spaniards who have stumbled wearily across the 
border, escaping from Franco to unbearable conditions in 
French concentration camps. As I write, many hundreds of 
Jewish refugees from Italy are suffering dreadful hardships in 
the snows of the Alpine passes. In France, Belgium, the 
Netherlands, the Scandinavian countries and Great Britain 
are found in varying numbers those who have fled before the 
terror in Nazi Germany and in the lengthening list of countries 
where German doctrines are increasingly practised. 

Nothing in modern times has created so much moral indigna- 
tion throughout the world as what has been done by Hitler in the 
past six years. Cruelty is not new; it exists in all countries 
and is enormously increased in time of war. Injustice is not 
new; nearly all states have been founded on it and have 
maintained themselves by means of it. Nevertheless it is a 
fact that in modern times we have rarely seen cruelty and 
injustice on such a scale as in Germany under Hitler, where 
they have been raised to an exact science and universally 

The first question to be asked is whether the Nazis know 
what they are doing, whether they realize what a complete 
departure their conduct is from the standards of civilized 
countries. On this point their own testimony is adequate. 


Over and over again, beginning with Hitler himself, they have 
expressed their approval of terrorism as a device of the state 
to maintain itself. They have only contempt for the actions 
and theories of less ruthless regimes. They sincerely believe 
that the future belongs to force and force alone, that in the 
perspective of a few hundred years hence we shall look back upon 
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as a brief and artificial 
interregnum of comparative tolerance and kindliness in a 
world history of power politics enforced by the sword. Just 
as they believe in lying ruthlessly both abroad and at home, in 
pursuit of their policies, so they apply, likewise in both areas, 
force or the threat of force to achieve their will. 

Such doctrines as these, I repeat, are nothing new in history. 
Every state produces numbers of people who are fascists at 
heart, and in numerous cases in the past they have reached 
positions of authority where they could affect the lives of 
thousands, perhaps millions, of their fellow human beings. 
Nazism is unique only because it comes so late in the day, in 
a time when civilized doctrines had really made some headway 
in the Western world and because the German temperament, 
with its plodding industry and thoroughness, produces partic- 
ularly horrible results when it is plodding and thorough in the 
application of sadistic torture. 

The refugee question is not exclusively German, or ex- 
clusively Jewish, although many hasty headline-readers of 
today probably think it is. There are other countries than 
Germany that are beginning to act in the same way, or have 
long done so. Most ridiculous of all of them is Italy which, 
out of courtesy to the other end of the Rome-Berlin axis, has 
suddenly begun to persecute her tiny handful of Jews. Hun- 
gary, also, signalizes her new affiliation with Berlin by increas- 
ing her hostility to the Jews, driving many of them out of 
business, the professions and land ownership and ordering 
the deportation of many thousands. Czechoslovakia in the 
interval between the Munich Pact and her destruction in March, 
1939, copied Germany; Poland and Rumania have always 
had strong anti-Semitic movements that are now greatly aug- 

mented. The same is true of all the East European countries, 
whether Balkan or Baltic. Not until you come to Soviet Russia, 
do you find a country where a Jew is treated like anyone else. 
As the small states in Europe increasingly realize their 
dependence on Hitler, this dependence finds first expression 
in an acceptance and application of Nazi dogmas. 

The refugee problem is not exclusively Jewish. The vast 
armies of homeless that have drifted through Europe for twenty- 
one years or more began with political exiles and will doubtless 
end with them. Every revolution releases a new flock of those 
whose lives are no longer safe in their homelands. In recent 
years the greater number of these exiles have been liberals and 
radicals spewed out by countries where humanitarianism, openly 
adhered to, has become the equivalent to a death warrant. 

From the beginning the Hitler regime has had three great 
groups of enemies, according to its own interpretation ; radicals, 
Christians and Jews. All three have been persecuted, though 
not simultaneously. The radicals and the liberals were hunted 
down from the first, the excuse being the fear, in part well 
founded, that they would plot for the overthrow of the Nazis. 
The Jews were also a scapegoat from the beginning, but in the 
early days pressure against them was comparatively light. 
It has become more and more severe as economic conditions in 
Germany have grown worse. Jewish property has been con- 
fiscated partly for the benefit of the state and partly for that 
of individual Nazis. Jews have been driven from business and 
the professions so that there would be more room for Nazis 
in these occupations. Wealthy Jews have been kidnapped and 
held for ransom precisely in the technique of Chicago gangsters 
of the prohibition era. At present a high ransom for all the 
Jews in Germany is demanded from the other nations of the 
world as the only way to "solve" the Jewish refugee problem. „ 

In part, no doubt, the Nazis have been the victims of their 
own propaganda. At first they lied to the masses about the 
Jews, perhaps despising the gullibility of poor Hans who swal- 
lowed this nonsense. Gradually, however, they have come to 


believe more and more of it themselves, until it is no longer 
possible to distinguish between cold-blooded falsehood and 
a mass hysteria that can hardly be told from the generalized 
insanities of the Middle Ages when whole communities would 
dance for days, or would set off on meaningless migrations, they 
knew not where. Today, the open purpose of the German state 
is to seize every scrap of Jewish property, to dispose of every 
man, woman and child with Jewish blood in his veins, either 
by enforced migration or by enforced destruction at home. 

The turn of the Christians is coming next. A fact that is 
too often overlooked is that Nazism is definitely pagan. It 
worships the old Teutonic hierarchy of gods, and while some of 
this worship is semi-ironic, much of it is quite sincere. The 
German has never been known for his sense of humor, or at 
least for one that could be so recognized in any other country. 
Add to this native disability the ferocious training that German 
youth now receives, and there is no reason why, in a few years, 
we should not have a country indistinguishable in its culture 
and ideology from the Germany of two thousand years ago. 

The attack on the churches partakes of the qualities of 
both the fight against the radicals and that against the Jews. 
Like the radicals, the churches both Protestant and Catholic 
are centers of possible resistance to the regime. Pastor Niemoel- 
ler is a dangerous symbol ; the churches throughout all history 
have produced- martyrs who would continue to resist even while 
the flames licked their feet. Like the Jews, the churches have 
valuable property to be confiscated. The Catholics in particular 
have vast possessions on which the Nazis have long turned 
covetous eyes. The attack on the Catholics has only been 
delayed, it is probable, by the necessity for keeping on some 
sort of terms with the Church until the Spanish adventure was 
ended. Seen in such a light, the attitude of the pro-Franco 
American Catholics seems doubly stupid and shortsighted : the 
second lamb in the line assists the butcher to cut the throat of the 


How Many Jews? 

A reader of the anti-Semitic rubbish published in Germany 
might suppose that the Jews constituted a large proportion of 
the total population there, and certainly a larger one than 
exists in any other country. Yet a glance at the facts tells 
us how absurd such a theory is. Of the ten countries of the 
world which have any considerable number of Jews, Germany 
ranks ninth from the top. The only nation with a still smaller 
proportion is Italy. Poland heads the list with a Jewish 
population of about 9.5 percent. Eumania comes next with 
a little more than 5 percent, and Hungary has slightly less. 
Fourth is the United States, with about 3.5 percent. Austria, 
before the Anschluss, had 3 percent. Soviet Russia has about 
1.75 and Great Britain and France are roughly equal, each 
with slightly less than 1 percent. Germany has approximately &~ 
% of one percent, and Italy, only .0025. Of the four cities in 
the world which have the largest Jewish population, the first, 
third and fourth are in the United States. New York has 
2,500,000; Warsaw, Poland, 353,000, Chicago 325,000 and Phil- 
adelphia 275,000. Next come London, 234,000 j Budapest 230,- 
000, Lodz, 202,000. We have to get down to the eighth city, 
before we reach Germany, and even then, the municipality is 
one that has only recently been incorporated in the Eeich: 
Vienna, with 178,000 Jews. In short, the cold statistics prove y 
that Germany's complaints against the Jews are a pack of lies. 
If other countries with many times greater Jewish population 
can and do live peaceably with them, the Germans could have 
done the same. . 

The Nazis will tell you that they had to act against the 
Jews because these were so rapidly gaining control of business 
and the professions. Official German statistics show the falsity \ 
of this charge. It is true that they constituted one-sixth of 
the doctors and one-fifth of the lawyers, but neither of these 
proportions could be called a dangerous one. After all, people 
presumably went to a man for legal or medical advice tm a 


basis of the merit of the individual, because he was a good 
lawyer or a good medical man. 

Of those engaged in small business in Germany, the Jews 
constituted only 2.4 percent. Their department stores did 
only 3.9 percent of the total department store trade. They 
were no more than 3.3 percent of the bankers. These statistics 
refer to a time before the present persecution had been begun. 
The proportions would in all cases of course be far smaller today 
or would have been wiped out entirely by the recent discrimina- 

A History Written in Blood 

Germany certainly did not invent wholesale persecution of 
minorities, and most of all, wholesale persecution of the Jews. 
Theirs is a history written in blood, the history of a people who 
for two thousand years have lived as unwilling and often un- 
welcome guests in other people's houses, perennially made the 
scapegoat when things went wrong, perennially tortured and 
robbed by persons less thrifty than they have been forced by 
their situation to become. There is not one of the traits 
described by their enemies as characteristically Jewish that 
does not appear in a person of any other race — or more properly, 
any other religion, since the Jews can hardly be called a race — 
forced to live under similar oppression ; I doubt if there is a 
Jew, taken out from under that oppression young enough, in 
whom these traits would not disappear. 

Half an hour with an encyclopedia will give you some idea 
of the darker chapters in this dark history. As early as 
eight and a half centuries ago, there were pogroms in Germany 
herself, in one of which 12,000 Jews were killed in the Ehineland. 
A few years earlier they were being crucified by religious 
zealots in Spain. A millenium before that, they had been ex- 
pelled by the order of the Claudius from Rome. Pope Innocent 
III was active against them from 1198 to 1216. They have been 
expelled wholesale from several countries, including England in 


1290 and Spain in 1492. In the year 1506, two thousand were 
tortured to death in Portugal, and at about the same time a 
considerable number were burned alive at the stake in Italy. 
In modern times the most terrible pogroms have been those 
in Russia in 1903-06 in the course of which at least 25,000 were 
killed and more than 100,000 wounded. The Nazis, it is 
interesting to know, have studied carefully the history of earlier 
Jewish persecutions and have faithfully reproduced many of J 
their details. 

I do not propose here to enumerate all the discriminatory 
anti- Jewish laws passed by the Hitler government, but I will 
remind you of a few of the more striking provisions. One of 
the early acts of the Hitler government was to dismiss all Jews 
who held any sort of government position, which included of 
course many thousands of teachers in schools and universities. 
Jews are not permitted to advertise in "Aryan" newspapers, 
and almost every Jewish journal has been suppressed. No 
"Aryan" is permitted to be employed by a Jew. No Jew can 
buy real estate. A climax of some sort was reached on July 26, 
1936, when special discriminations were levied against blind 
Jewish war veterans, who had sacrificed their eyesight in the 
service of their country. Today, the butchering of cattle ac- 
cording to Jewish religious rites is forbidden. Jews are pro- 
hibited from practising any of the professions. They are forced 
to use a specially published list of given names, which are of 
course avoided by everyone else, so that there is no such thing as 
passing as an "Aryan" without violating the law. Their prop- 
erty is systematically taken from them, seemingly in fulfillment 
of the Nazi scheme to render them so desperate they will become 
criminals and then to destroy them. 

Government by Terror 

As I have suggested, many Americans no doubt believe that 
wholesale mistreatment of innocent victims in Germany is a 
fairly recent thing that has come with the tightening up of the 


restrictions on the Jews during the past few months. But 
this is not true. From its very beginning, the Hitler regime has 
operated through widespread terror. The earliest victims were 
not the Jews, but the liberals and radicals, just as the latest 
victims will not be the Jews but the labor unions, all political 
parties except the Nazi, the cooperatives, the Catholics and 
Protestants. The moment Hitler came to power, he instituted 
the policy of setting up vast concentration camps where all 
opponents of the regime were locked up and subjected to all 
the fiendish tortures that degenerate minds could conceive. 

Among the majority that opposed Hitler, there were millions 
of Social Democrats and Communists, thousands of trade union- 
ists and nearly all known leaders of these groups were arrested. 
Many of them are still in prison, if they have had the hardihood 
to survive their ghastly mistreatment. Many others have died 
under the lash, while some have been returned to their families 
| completely broken. In the early days, not much was printed in 
\ America about the horrors of the concentration camps. There 
j was a general feeling that the victims were only radicals, after 
[ all, and that it didn't matter greatly what became of them. While 
today we are extending our sympathy to the innocent victims 
of a great racial-religious tragedy, it is well that we should 
pause to recall the thousands who have suffered since the 
beginning of the regime. 

I do not propose to make this brief essay a recital of the 
blood-chilling tortures that have gone on in the prison camps ; 
whole books have already been filled with this dreadful story. 
It is interesting to note that sadistic degeneracy increases as the 
instinct for it is gratified. Thousands of young German men 
who, under other conditions, might have led sane and healthy 
lives, have obviously become the sort of sexual and moral per- 
vert who delights to torture — a type thoroughly familiar in 
every handbook of abnormal psychology. 


Nazi Voodoo 

AuHtin, Tcxmu 

One hardly needs to say to American readers that there is 
no scientific basis whatever for the Nazi racial theories. The 
world's leading anthropologists unite in reporting that there is 
no fundamental and inherent difference between the poten- 
tialities of any race and any other. In the phrase the English 
are so fond of using, it is nurture, not nature, that creates most 
of our differences. As I have said, Judaism is a religion, not 
a race; it is a grave question whether there is any such thing 
as a Jewish racial stock. Every one of the so-called Jewish 
racial characteristics is missing among hundreds of thousands 
of persons of Semitic origin and possessed by hundreds of 
thousands of non-Jews. The Aryan theory, of course, becomes 
even more fantastically false when it is applied to persons who 
are only one-half, one-quarter or one-eighth of "Jewish blood." 

Professor J. B. S. Haldane, the noted English biologist, 
has observed that the characteristics of the blood which the 
"Aryans" consider an identification of the pure Teutonic strain 
occur in their most emphatic form among certain types of 
the Chinese, while they are lacking among many of the proudest 
blond-headed Germans. 

As suggested above, it is a question whether any important 
men in the Nazi party believe their own nonsense about the 
Jews. It may be that, hypocritical at first, they have finally 
fallen victims of their own propaganda. A man like Julius 
Streieher is probably stupid enough to believe anything — aside 
from the fact that his Jew-baiting brings him in a vast income. 

Why did Hitler ever begin this campaign? And why does 
he continue it? There are two answers, both important. His 
original anti-Semitism, beginning many years before he came 
to power, was of course a shrewd political move. When people 
are unhappy, are poverty stricken and subject to injustice about 
which they are helpless, psychologically they feel great need 
of a scapegoat, and the Jews provided one in post-war Germany 



as they have done on so many previous occasions in European 
history. The nonsense about the Jews is picturesque and 
exciting, it lends itself to dramatic political oratory, and the 
more stupid your hearer the more likely he is to be captured by 
it. Moreover, overt anti-Semitism becomes a beautiful way 
of paying off a grudge against a competitor, a business or social 
rival, who may be smarter than yon are, more industrious, more 

The other motive is one that is usually understressed : 
the economic basis for. anti-Semitism. The Nazi regime in 
Germany, which has bankrupted the country's finance, has al- 
leviated its own problem somewhat by confiscating hundreds 
of millions of dollars of Jewish wealth. Every time a Jewish 
physician is forbidden to practice, there is increased oppor- 
tunity for an Aryan competitor who has not sufficient ability 
to win in an open race. Whenever a Jewish business man is 
forced to sell his enterprise at ten cents on the dollar, some 
good Nazi party member gets a chance to enter the same trade, 
or to expand his existing establishment, with no initial invest- 
ment to speak of. 

Few Americans realize the remorseless efficiency of the meth- 
ods used to despoil the Jews of their property. They are most 
effective of course against those seeking to leave the country, 
who are forced to buy their freedom with a ransom consisting of 
virtually everything they have. Even household furniture, 
jewels, paintings and other valuable personal possessions are 
gathered in. The Jew is taxed heavily, and must turn his 
belongings into money for whatever they will bring. He is not 
however allowed to sell in the open market. He must go to 
certain specified dealers in second-hand goods who have in- 
structions from the government to drive a hard bargain. (Why 
Hitler goes to this trouble, I do not know, since it would be 
simpler and hardly any more cruel simply to shoot the Jewish 
owner and carry off his worldly goods in a truck. ) 

Never in history have we seen such wholesale kidnapping 
for ransom as the Nazis have performed. When Austria was 

seized, every wealthy Jew, as well as every other individual 
suspected of lack of sympathy with fascism, was clapped into 
jail. The actual political prisoners are still there, those who 
have not been killed or have died of their sufferings. Among 
the Jews, most of those possessed of any property have bought 
their release with virtually the entire amount. Not only is 
this true but Jews in other countries have been levied upon to 
aid their kinsmen. Time after time, a wealthy Austrian Jew 
would be promised his freedom on payment of a certain large 
sum — sometimes as much as or more than his total wealth. The 
payment would be made and his captors would then laugh at 
their promise, demanding fresh contributions. Hundreds of 
thousands of dollars were paid by American Jews and those 
in other lands, to buy the freedom of these unhappy captives. 
The Jews having been squeezed dry, there is every evidence 
as I have said that extortion will now be practiced against other 
groups, probably beginning with the Catholics. This is not 
to say that they have not already suffered sharp persecution; 
but their property has not been taken from them in the sys- 
tematic wholesale fashion that has been used against the Jews. 
There is no doubt however that their turn will come. 

Where Can They Go? 

With the sudden increase in mistreatment of the Jews in 
Germany, the question has become even more urgent as to 
where the refugees, whether Jewish or others, can go. We 
should note first of all that there are many people who believe 
it is a mistake for the democratic nations to assist their em- 
igration. The argument is that by helping to get the refugees 
out of Germany and the other European countries which are 
with increasing severity following similar policies, we are 
playing into the dictators' hands : we are doing exactly what 
they want us to do. Those who take this view insist that the 
inhuman treatment of their minorities by these countries should 



not be condoned; that, on the contrary, the rest of the world 
should demand that it be stopped, and should be prepared to 
back up this demand by force. 

I am heartily in favor of doing everything that is possible, 
short of increasing the danger of another world war, to fight 
fascism in Germany and everywhere else. The forces within 
these countries that are resisting dictatorship, are deserving 
of all possible sympathy and support. It is quite possible, I 
concede, that so far as Germany is concerned, Hitler may have 
fallen before the last of the refugees — 600,000 Jews and an 
undetermined number of additional non-Jews — have been re- 
moved from the country. Nevertheless, it is plain that what- 
ever may be said theoretically for a policy of using force to 
bring mistreatment of minorities to an end, no existing gov- 
ernment is willing to carry it out. Even Soviet Russia has 
made no formal protestation, so far as I am aware, and has 
done little if anything to facilitate the emigration of the vic- 
tims. When the nations will not fight, or take a firm line, 
even if important interests of their own are at stake, as was 
the case with Great Britain and France at Munich, it is idle 
to suppose that they will do so in support of the principle of 
abstract justice to oppressed minorities. 

No better illustration was ever given of the grim truth 
of economic determinism than is found in the history of ne- 
gotiations for taking care of refugees. The story has never 
been told in detail, for diplomatic reasons, and it is so un- 
pleasant that no one has any desire to recite it. In summary, 
however, it may be said that every country has been hospitable 
or inhospitable in approximately the degree to which it be- 
lieved that the entrance of enforced emigrants would be a 
benefit or a harm. This has been true even of some important 
elements among co-religionists of the refugees who have on 
occasion offered objection to their being allowed to come in, 
when it was feared that they might offer economic competition 
to the existing population (this stricture, I am glad to say, 
does not apply against the United States) . 


Where can the refugees go? So far as the Jews are con 
cerned, attention was naturally given first to Palestine, where 
a great immigration of Jews from many countries has taken 
place during the past two decades. But, unfortunately, Pales- 
tine has become a pawn in the game of international politics. 
The Rome-Berlin axis is greatly increasing its power in the 
Mediterranean, at the expense of Great Britain. If we look 
ahead a few years, it is far from certain that England will 
play the predominant role in Asia Minor that she now does. 
Palestine may come under the influence of countries which 
are themselves bitterly anti-Semitic. It may not be safe for 
the Jews. 

Even if this does not happen, Palestine is far from being an 
ideal Jewish community. I have no space or inclination to 
discuss the Palestinian question in its full detail, but it is 
pertinent to observe that to the inevitable clash between two 
races differing in religion, background and ways of life have 
been added conflicts arising out of landlordism — on both sides 
— and other manifestations of private capitalism — on both 
sides. Arab nationalism has been whipped up by individuals 
seeking specific ends of their own, and no doubt has also to 
some extent been a sincere feeling of alarm lest the influx of 
Jews abroad should crowd the Arabs out. The ultimate solu- 
tion is for the Arabs and the Jews to stand together for peace 
and against their oppressors of both races ; but this is a long 
way off, and time won't wait. 

Numerous proposals have been made for settling the refugees 
in various comparatively uninhabited parts of the world. The 
British have seriously discussed Tanganyika, but apart from 
every other objection the strong possibility that it may be re- 
turned to Hitler would seem an insuperable bar. Alaska has 
been widely talked of; it contains only a few thousand in- 
habitants, although it could support many more; there are 
great possibilities of developing a tourist trade there, and 
the Jews have shown that they are well adapted to the opera- 


tion of hotels and allied activities. Lower California has 
been mentioned; it is argued that with large-scale irrigation 
projects, this arid land could be made almost as fertile and 
prosperous as the similarly treated sections of Palestine. Lower 
California is now part of Mexico, but has only a tiny popula- 
tion, and the Mexican government, whose financial troubles 
are extremely serious, might be willing to sell the territory, 
partly for cash and partly for a credit against expropriated 
foreign oil and agricultural lands. An objection, of course, is 
the possibility that Mexico might install a fascist regime with 
a strong anti-Semitic bias. 

J. Russell Smith, the noted geographer, has suggested British 
Guiana in northeastern South America. He admits that the 
climate is almost unendurable for the white man, but thinks 
this can be solved by the use of air-conditioning, with an 
entire village all under one roof. He recognizes that outdoor 
agricultural labor would have to be done under tropic con- 
ditions, but asserts that white men can survive this com- 
fortably if they can eat and sleep in air-conditioned houses. 
He thinks agriculture would form the main occupation of the 
colonists. "Guiana," he says, 

"will afford the new colonists opportunity to grow plenty of carbohydrate 
foods, sugar, sweet potatoes, yams, bananas, corn and cassava. There is 
plenty of vegetable protein, beans of many kinds, including the soy bean 
which is one of the four perfect proteins. Another of the four perfect 
proteins is furnished by the Brazil nut which will also probably grow in 
this climate. Vegetable fat will be furnished by a number of edible palm 
oils and especially by the alligator pear, now growing in Guiana. 

The coffee and cacao trees both thrive, as do many of the tropical 
fruits. Guiana is below the hurricane belt, and the resultant absence of 
destructive winds is a substantial asset. 

Meat will be relatively scarce — this is not a land of good grass. There 
should be some fishing villages on the coast and a frozen fish service up 
the river. 

A chief difficulty, Professor Smith points out, is the lack 
of a cash crop with which the new inhabitants of this country 
could finance their imports. Rubber, palm oil, palm nuts, 
Brazil nuts and tropic woods could be produced, but only in 
competition on the world market with the low-paid coolie 


labor of the East Indies and therefore at impossibly low selling 
prices. He suggests that the colonists should manufacture 
shoes, create a chemical refining industry and in general try 
to manufacture in competition only with countries in the 
temperate zone where labor is better paid. 

Other suggestions have been made as to possible homes for 
the refugees— Rhodesia, Central Australia, half a dozen of the 
South American countries. I do not propose to discuss them in 
detail, because I believe all these proposals are almost hopeless. 
The world has now had a long experience in large-scale 
resettlement and pioneering overseas. We know from what 
has been done in Australia and Canada, in particular, that it 
is useless to send people out as farmers unless they have 
definite technical skills, substantial experience, and a fairly 
large working capital. Even with free land and other state 
assistance, the general rule is that the pioneer must have a 
minimum of about f 1,000 in cash. These two requirements 
cannot possibly be met in regard to the would-be colonists 
from Central Europe. They do not have agricultural experience 
and there is no way to impart it in the brief period of time 
in which the operation must take place. Germany is system- 
atically robbing her victims of all their wealth in whatever 
form it exists. She will not permit those who leave the country 
to take with them anything like a thousand dollars per family. 
As far as possible, the Nazis will prevent their victims from 
taking out any money at all. To provide for the comparatively 
small number of Jews in Germany would need $150,000,000, 
even if the other conditions could be met. 

Most serious obstacle of all is the fact that the refugees are 
not the sort of men and women to go and pioneer in Alaska 
or British Guiana. Heretofore frontiers have almost always 
been occupied by self -selected groups with very special char- 
acteristics. The overwhelming majority of the involuntary 
exiles are people of the lower middle class, small shopkeepers 
or traders. Many of them— an abnormally large proportion 


of the total population — are intellectuals: doctors, lawyers, 
journalists, artists. Such people are helpless under the exigen- 
cies of rough agricultural pioneering. Their emotional mind- 
set is so much against this type of existence that one questions 
gravely whether even those of highest intelligence and firmest 
character could be successful. 

We might as well face frankly the fact that, even under 
the best of circumstances, being driven into exile is a terrible 
psychic experience, so terrible that it leaves permanent scars. 
Human beings have a profound impulse to send down roots, 
and they suffer when these roots are violently broken off. 
In the case of highly gifted specialized individuals, writers, 
scientists or artists, qualities of tremendous value will survive 
the process of transplanting; but, for many others, this is not 
true. Time and time again the newspapers record suicides, or 
attempts at suicide, among refugees, here in America. At first 
glance, one might suppose that, once an exile had got safely 
out of Germany, and had established himself in the new world, 
his troubles would be largely over; yet many of the attempts 
at suicide have come precisely among these groups. 

It is no possible solution to try to put the refugees whether 
Jews or non-Jews, off in some odd corner of the world. Being 
transplanted under the best of circumstances, to a civilization 
much like that from which they have come, will be for most 
of them a terribly difficult psychological experience. Human 
beings cannot be bandied about the world like chunks of wood. 
Unless the United States is prepared to open its own doors to 
substantial numbers, then the future is black indeed. And 
for that matter, it is black anyhow. 

Germany's Loss Is Our Gain 

Just how much Germany has lost by her policy of driving 
into exile many of her most brilliant scholars, artists, musicians, 
writers, inventors, no one will ever know. It is certainly 
striking that in the whole time since Hitler came to power 


no great music has been written in that country, once the home 
of music ; hardly a book has been published worthy of transla- 
tion, hardly a picture painted that anyone except a zealot Nazi. 
would care to see. In the field of science, there have been 
newspaper reports of a new microscope using the principle 
of atomic bombardment; and there have been other news- 
paper tales about an improved form of the autogyro. Against 
these exceptions must be placed the fact that many branches 
of science in Germany have simply degenerated. Psychology 
is one of them ; no leading figure in the psychological world any 
longer takes seriously what is being done in Germany, where 
the state has solemnly placed psychoanalysis on the Nazi in- 
dex expurgatorius and most of the former great figures of 
psychology are in exile. 

Germany's loss is the gain of the rest of the world. Even 
a hasty and partial check reveals to what an extent our own 
culture has been enriched by the refugees or by the voluntary 
exiles who did not care any longer to remain in a country 
where barbarism is rampant. In the field of science, for a 
few examples, the United States can today claim Albert Ein- 
stein, James Franck, Nobel Prize winner for atomic research ; 
Wolfgang Koehler and Kurt Koffka, psychologists ; Hans Rosen- 
berg, inventor of photoelectric cell devices; Kasimir Fajans, 
electrochemist; Kurt Wachtel, pharmaceutical chemist; Wil- 
helm Frei, dermatologist; Eichard Goldschmidt, biologist; Carl 
Lange, bacteriologist; Siegfried Loede, pharmacologist; Ru- 
dolph Schoenheimer, biochemist; Max Goldschmidt, ophthal- 

Authors, artists and theatrical people include such names 
as Thomas Mann, Ernst Toller, Vicki Baum, Klaus Mann, 
Oskar Maria Graf, George Crosz, Leo Rosner, Max Reinhardt, 
Elizabeth Bergner, Ernest Lubitsch, Eric Tomner, Hedy Lamar. 

In the field of music we have Otto Klemperer, Julius 
Ehrlich, Bruno Eisner, Kurt Weill, Robert Robltschek, Felix 
Guenther, George Bertram, Edward Moritz, Ernest Toch, Ernst 
Gebert, Frank Waxman, Hans Eisler. 


Among publicists there are Erich Hula, former Viennese 
Minister of Labor; Kurt Eosenfeld, former Prussian Minister 
of Justice; Heinrich Bruening, former German Chancellor, 
Hugo Breitner, for years the Social Democratic financial wizard 
of Vienna. 

Scholars include Carl Brandt, Arnold Brecht, Gerhard 
Colm, Arthur Feiler, Emil Lederer, Hans Staudinger, Max 
Wertheimer, Frieda Wunderlich, William Stern, Paul Tillich, 
Richard Courant, Martin Sommerfeld, Hans Neisser, Walter 
Behrendt, Otto Nathan, Julius Lips, Eugen Rosenstock-Hussy, 
Alfred Vagts, Eduard Heimann, Albert Salomon, Fritz Leh- 
raann, Carl Mayer, Hans Speier, Alfred Kahler, Felix Kauf- 
mann, Arnold Brecht, Hans Simons, Felix Strauss. 

There are also Alice Salomon, famous social worker, known 
as the Jane Addams of Germany; Lotte Jacobi, one of the 
world's most brilliant woman photographers ; such architects 
as Walter Gropius and Paul Zucker; Max Rheinstein, Fritz 
Kessler and Rudolf Littauer, law teachers. Art and archae- 
ology have given us Margarete Bieber, Walter Friedlaender, 
Ernst Herzfeld, Richard Krautheimer, Edwin Panofsky. 

While this hasty list of course excludes hundreds of bril- 
liant persons who have an equal claim to be included, it is 
certainly true that not all the future refugees, or even more 
than a small minority of them, may be expected to live up to 
the standard set here, just as it is also impossible to expect 
that these individuals will in all cases do the same brilliant 
work, make equally epochal discoveries, after they have been 
transplanted. It is certainly true, however, that even if we 
were to permit the entrance of every individual in Europe 
who is seeking to come to the United States — and no one sug- 
gests we should do anything so drastic as that — they would 
still be far superior as a group to millions of persons who 
are here already, some of them of foreign birth and others 
of our own "good old American stock." The refugee at any 
rate starts with one initial advantage in the race to see who 


can become the best American : a profound sense of gratitude 
that he is allowed to be here and a keen realization of the bless- 
ing of liberty. 

Refugee Immigrants: Can We Afford Them? 

A strong case can be made for permitting refugees from 
fascist terror to enter the United States outside the present 
quota system, on moral and humanitarian grounds. If any 
action could be more consistent with historic American ideals, 
I do not know what it is. I prefer here, however, to discuss 
the more practical aspects of the question. 

It is often said that we must not open our doors to these 
pitiful victims of man's inhumanity to man, because of the 
unemployment problem. With ten or twelve million people 
out of work, it is argued, we should be foolish to add to our 
burden by bringing in hundreds of thousands more. 

No one with any understanding of economics would ever 
make such a statement. Whether you have unemployment or 
not does not depend on the size of your population but upon 
your economic system, the use you make of your resources. 
We had dreadful unemployment in the United States much 
of the time between 1870 and 1890, when the population was 
only about half as large as it is at present. We have had 
almost complete employment (that is, only between 2 and 3 
million out of work on the average) during most of the decade 
of the 1920's, when our population was nearly as great as it is 
now. The point is that every addition to our population, 
whether by birth or immigration, is both a producer and a 
consumer. A hundred thousand people added to our popula- 
tion means a demand for a hundred thousand suits of clothes, 
three hundred thousand meals a day, twenty five thousand or 
thirty thousand houses, and so on. Even if we permitted the 
whole Jewish population of Germany to come to this country, 
and even if, what is wildly improbable, they all became unem- 


ployed, the percentage of addition to our present problem 
would not be very serious. The overwhelming likelihood is 
that we could let in as many as can possibly get here, and 
never know the difference. 

Since 1924, we have had a quota law which permits a 
specified number of immigrants to enter the country yearly. 
Since 1930 that number has been 153,714 annually; before 
that, it was about 10,000 larger. In fact, however, the world 
has not lived up to these possibilities. Some countries have 
failed to use up their quotas; many immigrants who came 
to America earlier have returned to their homes in Europe. 
In the past six years alone, our "deficit of immigrants" under 
both heads has been 1,030,000. In the same period of time, 
Germany and Austria have failed to live up to their combined 
quota allowance by 174,000 persons. On this basis, during 
the past twelve years, Poland owes us 47,471; Italy 47,293; 
Czecho-Slovakia — before being annexed by Germany — 28,040. 
Even Rumania has a deficit of immigrants to this country of 
slightly more than 4,000. If these figures seem large, let me 
remind you that for many years the United States admitted 
a million persons annually, and no one thought anything of it. 

Incidentally, anyone who fears that the Jews in America 
now constitute an important numerical proportion of our 
population, or are increasing rapidly, is not conversant with 
the facts. In 1936, the latest year for which reliable statistics 
are available, there were in the entire United States approx- 
imately 4,500,000 Jews, 3.5 per cent of our total population. 
This represented only an increase of 272,000 in ten years, by 
both birth and immigration. In other words, the Jewish pop- 
ulation is nearly at a standstill. Most of us in the United 
States are here because in the past the doors have been opened 
and immigration has been encouraged. Many of us are descen- 
ded from ancestors who came here as refugees and helped to 
build our country. Our tradition of asylum must be main- 
tained and its continuance will strengthen, not weaken our 



democracy. While we cannot dictate to other nations* whal 
they shall do about the refugees, we can insist that America 
shall maintain its historic policy and shall open its doors as 
widely as need be to the victims of political and religious 
persecution in other lands. 

The Ultimate Solution 

If we face the question honestly we must admit that millions 
of the world's homeless men and women will never find a refuge 
in new lands. Although their plight draws warm response 
from sympathetic millions in such relatively free countries as 
France, England, Mexico and the United States, the need 
increases faster than the means to care for it. No sooner do we 
rescue a few thousands from the nightmare of exile than we 
learn of some vast new expulsion. Today they come from Spain, 
Italy and Czecho-Slovakia; tomorrow from other lands as 
these in turn fall under Nazi domination. We should face 
squarely the fact that the governments of the world will not 
solve the problem of resettling a total of perhaps eight or ten 
million refugees. 

The only real solution, in the long run, must lie in the 
restoration of sanity and the creation of a sensible economic 
order in those lands from which the refugees are being expelled. 
In Nazi Germany, for example, not only is there a widespread 
and growing resentment against the regime among many thou- 
sands of people, but there is a slow steady development of a 
conscious underground movement. It is still in a period of 
preparation, yet there is no doubt that it is growing and that it 
has proved its ability to function even under the Fascist terror. 
A recent article in the Survey Graphic by "Y" says: 

Underground Germany has become more and more conscious that its 
task is one of preparing a framework. Its ideas are of a militant democracy. 
Its faithfulness is no longer merely to the task but to new responsibilities for 
the future of Germany. This new self-consciousness among underground 
workers is delevoping in a setting charged with a resurgence of sympathy 
toward them. Two years ago that setting was one of spiritual isolation. * * * 
The underground cadres may still be small, still weak but they are already 
a kind of sensory system with branches stretching out into every part of 
the German social anatomy. They are nuclei which will stimulate and gather 
about them mass movements of a democratic character that will prove 
important and decisive in the coming time of crisis. 


If even one percent of the money now spent for relief and 
resettlement could be invested in keeping alive within Germany 
the hope for freedom, in aiding those Germans who work for a 
new democracy in their country, then our humanitarianism 
would indeed he realistic. We cannot hope to impose democracy 
upon Germany with armies, and there is no solution in bribing 
her either through the payment of ransoms or the reluctant 
purchase of her goods. We must recognize that the ultimate 
solution of the refugee problem lies with those forces in Germany 
which are now beginning anew the struggle for democracy and 
social justice against the most oppressive, highly organized 
gangster government the world has ever seen. 



Clinical notes on hi* lack of 
gallantry and sportsmanship, 
his bad mental habits, his tact- 
lessness, his lack of imagina- 
tion, his poor discernment, his 
faults as citizen and neighbor, 
his gullibility and arrogance. 


Grovbb C. Hall 
Editor The Montgomery Advertiser 

This article will not be taken, I trust, as a defense of the 
Jew, he that has been defended in 1,000,001 articles and 
books. Fortunately he does not stand in need of de- 
fense. But I can think of 100 reasons why his Gentile brother, 
usually ignored by critics, invites and deserves arraignment 
before the bar of his own conscience. 

The Jew has spent his life as a race under a microscope 
designed and held by the Gentile. His blemishes stand out in 
bas relief on a canvas made by the same Gentile neighbor. His 
virtues are in the picture to be sure, but they stand obscurely 
in the background. The effect of the portrait is that of a vast, 
libelous caricature made by a thick-fingered, unimaginative 
artist. The Jew has been either too charitable or too circum- 
spect to retaliate in kind. He holds no microscope over the 
Gentile to paint a character study of the most incredibly irre- 
sponsible of all the despots. 

The earth swarms with men who think they are experts on 
the Jew. Nobody attempts a critical estimate of the Gentile 
as a Gentile. Nobody audits his balance sheet. Nobody invites 
him to give an account of his long and unbroken stewardship 
as the undisputed master of the human race. The Gentile has 
more power and has held it longer than any other vested in- 
terest in history. He has escaped critical questioning and com- 
ment longer than any other. 


I, for one, marvel at this escape of the Gentile from account- 
ability and justice. I marvel that his meanness, his pettiness, 
his arrogance, his snobbishness, his ill manners, his ungallantry, 
his poor sportmanship, his bogus humanitarianism, his sheer 
blindness to his own higher interests, have not been brought 
more sharply under notice. It would surely do the Gentile 
good to have his character plumbed in his peculiar relation 
to the Jew, however satisfactory his character may seem to be 
in other relationships. If the Gentile could but bring himself 
to face his own microscope, held in his steady, ruthless hand, 
the experience might indeed save him from the possible dis- 
aster which his demeanor invites. 

Surely a citizen may claim the right to protest against the 
folly if not the vice of those who may injure him by thought- 
lessly encouraging, in various ways, both subtle and gross, 
the ever-present rogues and fools in society to violate the ideals 
that fixed the pattern of this federation of neighborhood de- 
mocracies, the Republic of the Oceans. 

N We think we do no harm to ourselves and our common in- 
stitutions when in individual social relations we patronize 
the Jew. We think we are shrewd, discerning fellows when 
in contemplating a citizen and neighbor who happens to be a 
Jew we think of him and discuss him first as a Jew and then 
as whatever else he may be. We attribute virtues to him as 
a class that are characteristic only of individuals ; we attribute 
vices and frailties to him as a class that any man of sense 
should know are peculiar only to individuals, whether Jews or 

Thus we hound the Jew while imagining ourselves to be 
his friends — meaning by we those of us that comprise the major- 
ity of Americans and would not consciously injure the Jew. 
Our great transgression is that we do not measure our demean- 
or to make it conform to our responsibility. We forget that 
the fools who form our mobs may be influenced profoundly by 
the manners and prejudiced deportment of people of their own 
kind above them in the scale of life. Every ill-considered act 



or word of the influential Gentile is food and drink to the 
passions of the lower order of man, who, once inflamed to 
madness by bitter fortune, having nothing of his own to lose, 
acts to destroy the things that are dear to others. Grave an- 
xieties in this connection are warranted, as we shall presently 
see, if we will but take a long enough view of the story of 
man's inhumanity to man, even in our own most-favored coun- 
try. If this be true let us, then, fix the responsibility. 

Experience and personal observation over a period of years 
have taught me the only lesson that my faculties, being what 
they are, could receive, that often we have reason to deplore 
the thing that makes one a Gentile and does not at the same 
time make him an adequate humanitarian, an adequate neigh- 
bor and an adequate citizen. 

Now I personally do not mind being a Gentile and I have 
no disposition to low-rate the status of the Gentile. There is 
a distinct advantage now as ever in the past in being one. We 
Gentiles are now and have been throughout history in the 
majority, the great majority — so much so indeed that the Gen- 
tile has since the bright dawning constituted the greatest 
single vested interest known to time and space. 

Our political and social position is more secure. We make 
more money than the Jews. We control the earth and we know 
nothing of the bitterness that flavors the acrid cup of a help- 
less minority group. Indeed we as Gentiles have been so long 
in possession of the earth, so long in undisputed power, poli- 
tically, economically and spiritually that we have never had 
any opportunity to know whether in facing an invincible op- 
pressor of our kind we would be brave. If there were only 
15,000,000 of us today as against 1,985,000,000 Jews in the 
world, how would our wits and instincts stand the test, if our 
dignity as a group should be affronted? 

We Gentiles suffer mostly in this world from our own folly, 
not from the sins of others, for all our occasional unsporting 


readiness here and there in our invulnerable empire to attribute 
some of our misfortunes, great and small to those who while 
birthing a god, never followed him. Whenever Gentiles in 
difficulties make the Jew their seape-goat they seem infantile. 

We Gentiles sit on top of the world and rule it. I, as a 
Gentile, know that if I wish I can lie, steal, murder, get drunk, 
burn a house, loot a government or commit any other of the 
known indecencies, and that while I may be duly punished 
for my offense, I, instead of my kind, will be put on trial. In 
no circumstances would I hear the taunting phrase : "Gentile ! 
Catch him!" 

And so, I do not mind being a Gentile. It is profitable, it is 
pleasant, it is safe. There is nobody to oppress me or offend 
me for being one. Notwithstanding that I'd rather be a martyr 
than anything else except a millionaire, I like the All-Aryan rug 
that warms such a lowly bug as I on damp, chilly days. I am 
a Gentile and nothing on Yahweh's earth can alter that fact. 
That fact means security for me in every storm that does not 
ruthlessly strike down all peoples, regardless of race or creed. 

In fine, we Gentiles will be the last to succumb in any cir- 
cumstances. I am sitting pretty, primarily because of the ac- 
cident of birth and geography, but also because of the obtuse- 
ness if not the dullness, the smugness and the arrogance, if 
not the sheer ungallantry of my compeers in Aryanism. 

Naturally, the violent, brutal anti-Semite is revolting to 
me, even as he is probably revolting in ordinary circumstances 
to 90 per cent of my fellow American Aryans — but I am not 
at this point thinking of the Vulturebund. I am thinking rather 
of the type of American who while he says and no doubt be- 
lieves he would fight to protect the Jew's civil rights, never- 
theless is an awkward, lumbering fellow in his relation to the 
Jew. He may be free of conscious malice, nevertheless he fails 
either to cultivate or feel the need of genuine talent for living the 
day by day life of the good neighbor to all who are worthy of 
neighborliness. He is not sensitive, not intuitively understand- 
ing and gracious. He is outwardly kind to Jews, but only be- 


cause of the practical discipline of memory, plus a sense of 
expediency. He is tolerant only because of political axioms 
he has heard and likes to taste and roll in his mouth when he 
has an audience. He is often patronizingly tolerant, his good 
will is a synthetic product, not a delicate flowering of the 
human spirit. 

And so at the moment I am not thinking of the more vicious 
and aggressive anti-Semite who outrages the majority of Gen- 
tiles in this free American atmosphere, but of Aryans who 
merely pain and sadden me. I have in mind rather the ox and 
the ass of Aryanism, particularly many, but not all, of the 
"Some of my best friends are Jews" boys and girls. Of the 
vicious fanatic more anon. 

Now, of course there are many unpleasant Jews — but they 
pain and grieve the men and women of good sense and good 
instincts who are of their kind. Even so, it seems to me that 
there is a higher proportion of Nordic Gentiles who habitually 
jar the sensibilities of well disposed people. There is a higher 
proportion of Nordics whose principles are not lofty, whose 
manners are crude, whose good taste is low, whose pride is a 
kind of juvenile vanity rather than the mark of innate dignity 
of character, in other words they are just chimpanzees with 
clothes on. These are rendered the more ignoble because they 
are conscious of their overwhelming strength so long as blood, 
geography and tradition give them sanctuary. 

In Nazi Germany I should probably be accounted eligible 
for all the current benefits of citizenship. My line must have 
been purged soon after the panic in the Garden of Eden. I am 
Anglo-Saxon-Pict-Celt-Welsh, out of an interminable line of 
deepwater Baptists. In my boyhood I broke furrows, planted 
crops and went to school in a rural Alabama county. It was 
nine miles from my home to the nearest railroad. My forebears 
on both sides Lindberghed in a lumbering, leisurely manner 
across the Atlantic, the biggest ocean then known to them, and 


some of them later became involved in the American Revolution. 
I am assured that my body cells have been exposed to disease 
and other misfortunes in every war that has been fought by 
our country except the Indian riots before Paul Revere buckled 
on his saddle. All of my boyhood associates and acquaintances 
were Gentiles and Protestants and with the exception of the 
blackamoors around about, all of them were Nordics. At the 
time I left home in 1905 my county had never been the home 
of a football player, a Harvard graduate or a Roman Catholic. 
Only three or four Jewish families resided in it. One Jewish 
merchant at the county seat was rather celebrated for his read- 
iness at physical combat. In his day he licked a good many 
men who affronted him. He was game, and that is a virtue 
that even a Nordic bounder can respect. 

In due time I became what is euphemistically known as 
a Substantial Citizen, otherwise the editor of a daily newspaper. 
I achieved a satisfactory place in life. I married, I reproduced. 
When my family became ill we called doctors. Sometimes these 
doctors were Jews, sometimes Nordic Aryans. I had Jewish 
neighbors along with Catholic and Protestant neighbors, but 
that was after — or maybe it was how — I came to know that 
Jews were people like other people, a part of the warp and woof 
of the same country that had nurtured my ancestors and me, 
and not bearded patriarchs and merciless Shylocks. Indeed 
as a youth I had scarcely been conscious of the contemporaneous 
existence of Jews — they were not a part of my little world. 
I was neither for nor against them. If the Jew was a cunning 
menace to my world or a marked man to be tolerated only with 
suspicion, the fact had not lodged in the consciousness of the 
boy who at 19 arrived in the chief city of his State of the Deep 
South to seek employment as a printer. In need of a boarding 
house I found shelter in the home of a pleasant, rather pretty- 
old Jewish lady who spoke broken English. I remained in her 
home for only a week, but I left it with a vivid impression of 
the charm of that small circle that lingers in my memory today. 
The old lady mothered me in about the same way that my own 


mother would have cured for any strange youth under her roof. 
From all I could see, despite their lowly, obscure state, these 
people were living this life as wholesomely and pleasantly as 
any Aryans in like circumstances that I knew. In this my 
first intimate personal contact with the children of Israel, I, 
a Nordic, Christian country boy could discern no characteristic 
quality in them except their speech to differentiate them signifi- 
cantly from other people of their rank and importance. I have 
often since compared them in my mind to the modest, diffident, 
self-effacing Aryan bounders who in my part of America are 
as commonplace as short-leaf pines, dog kennels and leaking 
roofs ... I have often recalled how far removed from the status 
of "rich Jews" my friends were. 

My second intimate contact with a Jew was at a boarding 
house in another town. He was a huge, absurdly fat man, an 
improvident tailor, a student of books and the perfect village 
atheist, the first I ever encountered. He was too poor to buy 
all the books he wanted, but his love of learning impressed me, 
his boldness as a thinker was not lost upon me. 

As responsibilities grew, my contacts with Jews multiplied. 
I came to know Jewish teachers in our public schools, Jewish 
physicians, Jewish working men and working women. 

I came early to see that there was no fundamental difference 
between Jews and Gentiles as such. 

The difference always was between individuals, always be- 
tween human beings. 

Now I would not be regarded by cosmopolitans as a sophis- 
ticated person, since I am untravelled, having spent all of my 
life in a State that once was ruled by Ku Kluxers. But either 
I was born tolerant or I learned tolerance and acquired rather 
broad human sympathies after I came face to face with the 
basic realities of this life — at all events I came early in my days 
to like minorities and to distrust majorities with regard to all 
questions involving delicate human relationships and prejudice. 


Certainly I have learned by simple observation of my fellows 
that a "sorry white man" is a sorry white man, whether he be 
Semitic or Nordic Gentile. Blatant, obnoxious human beings 
run true to a more or less fixed pattern everywhere at all times. 

But if a "sorry white man" or a blatant, obnoxious white 
man happens to be a Jew, Gentiles, my brother Gentiles, I must 
sorrowfully report, are prone to notice first that he is a Jew 
and last that he is an objectionable human being. 

If he be a Gentile it is remarked only that he is an objec- 
tionable human being. 

It is never noticed that he is a Gentile. 

Take annoying idiosyncrasies of personality in the cruder 
sort of man, or woman. There are Nordic Gentiles who use 
a table napkin for a kerchief on cold days, who eat peas with 
a knife, who violate all of the rules that polite people value. 
Some times they are rude and offensive in their personal rela- 
tions. Some times their conduct is revolting, esthetically and 
morally — they rob, they swindle, lie and abuse whatever power 
they may have over others. But those whom they offend never 
think to say: "Gentiles! ..." 

Let a frustrated Jewish thinker turn Communist and we 
instantly hear it said by uncritical, gullible Gentiles, "Com- 
munism is a characteristic Jewish doctrine." But in the same 
country it is the "international Jewish banker," often an 
economic Tory, by all accounts, who has the mark of Cain upon 
him. It would appear from current literature here and in 
Germany that the Jew is at once the evil genius of Communism 
and the designing, sinister pillar of Capitalism— at once the 
money-hating Marxist and the money-lending Shylock. Numer- 
ous writers have pointed out that there is something wrong with 
this familiar picture, a picture that is made all the more gro- 
tesque when it is remembered that no American Jew has ever 
acquired a personal fortune comparable to that of Rockefeller, 
a Harriman, a Schwab, a Sage, a Du Pont or a Ford. Barney 
Baruch, he of an old-line, South Carolinian family, and the 
Strausses of an old-line, genteel Georgia family have probably 


come nearest among American Jews to acquiring riches on such 
a scale. Mr. Baruch and the Strausses are and have been 
"liberals," neither dangerous radicals nor wicked Tories. The 
alien-born Otto Kahn was a multi-millionaire Jewish banker — 
and an international banker, at that! — but he was harmless 
socially and politically. He was merely obsessed with a desire 
to lead all Americans, Jews and Gentiles, into noble music 
halls where their souls would be cleansed and refreshed. 

The Rosenwald Foundation is no menace to anybody — it is 
on the contrary the hope chest of millions of under-privileged 
Negro children. 

Rabbi Stephen S. Wise is to be sure a pulpit rebel, but no 
more so than John Haynes Holmes, the expansive Nordic 
prophet, and but little if any more so than Harry Emerson 
Fosdick, the Nordic Baptist pastor of John D. Rockefeller, Jr. 

Again disavowing any intention of special pleading for Jews, 
it is only proper to say that despite studied discrimination 
against them and contrary to the prejudiced impression of the 
more shallow-minded purged Nordics, Jews have had a distin- 
guished military record in recent American history, a record 
which in truth, it must be owned, is slightly better than that 
of Aryan Nordics. The record shows that a smaller percentage 
of Jews than others have landed in jail. I say nothing of the 
admitted cultural eminence of Jews. 

Now, why this appalling deficiency in human juices by 
which 1,985,000,000 mortals regard the frailties and virtues of 
15,000,000 mortals as characteristic of their racial group? It 
is assumed of the 1,985,000,000 Gentiles that they have no 
uniquely characteristic frailties and virtues, but are just run- 
of-the-mine folks, some of whom are good, some bad, some gifted, 
some stupid, some healthy and strong, some weak, some pros- 
perous, some poor, some backward, some advanced. 

The Jew does naught to make this heterogenous mass of 
1,985,000,000 people seek to attain solidarity but the 1,985,000,- 
000 have by their ungallantry, their unsportingness, their lack 
of sensitiveness and insight, compelled 15,000,000 to seek 


solidarity in sheer self -protection. This makes for introspection 
among Jews, it tends to bottle up in them the rich juices of the 
ages, thus depriving all mankind of the full measure of its 
inheritance in genius and grace. 


It seems that in the relatively friendly social political at- 
mosphere of our country Jews already have shown a tendency 
to lose their identity and their race-consciousness in exact ratio 
to their personal happiness as citizens and neighbors. 

Here where prejudice is ordinarily passive and obscure our 
instinctive readiness to utter the proper noun "Jew" instead 
of the common noun "man" nevertheless is a blemish of per- 
sonality to be deplored, a blemish which should be a reminder 
of an ever-present malady that once the tone of our social 
system is lowered may become virulent. 

To be sure the historical circumstances (not nature) which 
made the Jew a tradesman and a financier have had their 
subtle influence in distorting the picture of this minority as 
put on canvas by an unchallenged, untroubled, arrogant, un- 
feeling majority. 

The tragedy of it! Our American children romp together, 
go to school together, unconscious of any issue between them, as 
classes. One day a veil descends noiselessly between them. 
Those who yesterday were just children unaware of The Great 
Heritage, now are grown, and so are "Jews" and "Gentiles," 
with the exception of a minority in each group. 

The Jewish parent sooner or later must face this searching, 
stabbing question from his child or her child, "Why am -I differ- 

When that question is raised and answered that moment 
the insidious seeds of cynicism are planted in the mind of that 
child, citizen of the republic, heir to this federation of neighbor- 
hood democracies. 

The child may be of high birth and gentle rearing, it may even 
have genius to contribute to the common treasure chest of 


the race — but one day it must hear from the lips of mother or 
father that it is in some obscure way "different" . . . 

Gentiles did that! 

Now if in time of common travail for our people, such for 
example as we have lately experienced, a bestial demagogue 
should find it in his heart to stir the passions of the foolish 
and dispossessed against the children of Israel, how could my 
son and my nephews and my nieces look into the anguished 
faces of their Jewish comrades next door, as they stiffened 
their backs to resist the surge of passion rising against the 
children of a small race that has given civilization so much of 
its flavor? 

Be the explanation of this Gentile obtuseness what it may, 
it is but another contributory factor in the insidious malnu- 
trition of the groping human spirit, a disorder that has handi- 
capped mankind since the beginning of experience and contem- 
plation. Now if the Nordic Gentile's reputation for acuteness, 
good manners and chivalry were all that is at stake in his awk- 
ward blundering, his insensate assertion of self-righteousness 
at the cost of happiness in others, might be dismissed with a 

Unluckily, however, this is a practical world in which all 
our virtues derive from practical need, all our vices consist 
of disloyalty to practical values. If virtues had no practical 
value they would not be virtues, if vices did no practical harm 
they would not deserve the stigma attached to them. 

If Henry Ford's anti-Semitic aberration had befallen him 
after October, 1929, instead of in the Golden Age that was the 
Harding-Coolidge Era when even the poor man's dough was 
relatively thick and sweet, we might have had a pogrom some- 
where in these United States. Impossible? Don't be ridiculous ! 
An American mob is as violent, as cruel and as blindly un- 
reasoning as the mob of any other country: We have only to 
stir its passions to the bottom. We mobbed Tories and looted 


them in the days of the Bevolution. We mobbed Copperheads 
in the North in the sixties; we mobbed Unionists in the South. 
There were Southerners who given the chance would have dis- 
membered Abraham Lincoln. There were Northerners who 
would have hung Jeff Davis to a sour apple tree. Coxey's Army 
would have slaughtered J. P. Morgan. In the black nineties 
there were Populite fanatics in Kansas, Nebraska, Georgia 
and Alabama who at a hint from Tom Watson would have wel- 
comed an opportunity to lynch Grover Cleveland, William 
McKinley and Mark Hanna in a row. In the delirium of World 
War fever even the calmest of us looked with suspicion upon 
any citizen bearing a Teutonic name and we shrieked omin- 
ously at all dissenters against war. Ku Kluxism cut a long 
and tortuous trail of perfidy and stupidity in the twenties. 
Luckily for the Jews Ku Kluxism's hate was directed primarily 
at Roman Catholics who felt the full force of the stuffed hoods, 
but Jews, Negroes and "foreigners" did not by any means 
escape. At another time, under other conditions, Jews might 
easily be the chief object of the American mob's hatred. But 
for the mob's anti-papal obsession in the early twenties, and 
but for the people's sense of economic security and well-being 
Henry Ford's incredible blunder might have led to physical, 
economic and political persecution of Jews unparalleled in 
the history of American fanaticism. 

Had this calamitous depression begun in 1920 I shudder 
to think what ghastly consequences to our people might have 
accompanied a crusade of so powerful and popular a man as 
Henry Ford was at that time. That the amiable, well-meaning 
Mr. Ford himself would have been appalled and sickened at 
excesses, physical or political, does not lessen the probability 
of excesses. In that event the republic would have been maimed 
for life. No other helpless minority could ever again have ex- 
pected peace) security and the right to pursue happiness. 

The American Jewtoday is fortunate that no Nordic scala- 
wag and demagogue with the wit and boldness to release a 


pestilence has risen to identify in the minds of the disposnesn<Ml 
and the despairing the Jew and the devil as one and the same. 

The common sense and patriotism of the majority of the 
American people would no doubt be equal in the end to repres- 
sing such a mob, but not until after irreparable harm had been 
done. We have to remember that in the twenties a relatively 
mild form of Ku Kluxism swept like a plague through every 
State in this republic. 

Put the American mob in rags and feed it on the crumbs 
that fall from the table of the man who still has an income, 
convince it that Israel's hosts are at its gate and it will pick up 
its flaming torch and march. The war that this mob fought 
in the early twenties with the Holy Roman Empire would fade 
into historical insignificance. For man, I regret to report, 
loves bread more than he loves God. 

Chasms between groups in a democracy require more emer- 
gency bridges than the citizens of that democracy can afford 
to build, more than they are technically capable of building, 
however affluent, however resourceful they may believe them- 
selves to be. The measure of a democracy's greatness and 
beauty is in the chasms it has closed by uniting sections of the 
good earth. 

The hardened categories into which social, racial, and re- 
ligious and political prejudices have forced the peoples of most 
of the older countries are matters entirely familiar to us. We 
have been taught to regard them as storm signals. 

But if we have been taught the grim lesson, we have not 
yet learned it well enough. We have learned its rudiments 
and memorized all the catch phrases to be sure, but we are 
plainly deficient in the advanced courses. We seem slow to 
learn that we Gentiles as the indomitable majority are short- 
sighted and unimaginative. We think we've done enough when 
we cite the Jew's acknowledged civil rights as evidence of the 
scope of our democracy. We think we have met our opportun- 


ities and obligations if now and then we compliment the Jew 
for his loving kindness and generous philanthropies. We are 
willing enough to exploit him everywhere as a valued economic 
convenience and to salaam before him politically in commun- 
ities where he is strong. It does not seem to occur to us that 
we owe it to the thing inside ourselves that makes us proud 
to do better than that, and so set a wholesome example to the 
natural haters and potential firebrands that we should know 
infest every community. 

If we are to coax the Jew out of his acquired but inevitable 
group consciousness and natural sensitiveness, and if we are 
at the same time to sink the fuel that feeds the leaping flames 
of passion and prejudice and at last burn down the lovely pillars 
of civilization we shall have to purge ourselves ! 

That striding Colossus known as the Nordic Gentile must 
be born again. He must hit the sawdust trail singing, "Just 
As I Am Without One Plea," lest on some dark tomorrow his 
tongue cleave to his mouth as he stands aghast at the wreckage 
of precious things all about him.